Crown War and Peace

Items on the quest for peace and the fact of war

Israeli-Palestinian Negotiations

a columnMon 05 Nov 2007 • Responses: 6 • by David Aikman

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Cynics have already charged that in the Bush administration’s intensive focus on Israeli-Palestinian issues, we are seeing a repeat of the Clinton years. Supposedly, in the seventh and eighth year of any White House administration, there is an attempt to break the deadlock over one of the thorniest negotiating issues in the world: the confrontation between Israel and the Palestinians. Just as President Clinton, in his last year in office—indeed, in his final days in office—came tantalizingly close to an Israeli-Palestinian peace accord in 2000, so President Bush is trying the same ploy in 2007 and 2008. He has dispatched Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to the Middle East region to try to prod the two sides towards an accord, and to mobilize support for any subsequent agreement among regional powers. 

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Turkey and the Armenian Genocide

a columnMon 15 Oct 2007 • Responses: 3 • by David Aikman

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“This is a choice between condemning genocide and endangering our soldiers in Iraq,” was how Tom Lantos, Democratic chairman of the House committee and himself a Jewish Holocaust survivor, summed up the dilemma. Should the House Foreign Affairs committee approve a resolution designating a barbarous mass killing by the Turkish government in 1915 “genocide”? If the full House votes within a few weeks to pass the resolution, which is non-binding on the administration, the White House warned that vital transportation and communication links with U.S. forces in Iraq might be endangered. Turkey could slow down or even halt the passage of U.S. military goods and personnel through the Incirlik airbase in eastern Turkey. To underscore the threat, Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan last week in a phone call with President Bush specifically threatened a Turkish retaliation against the resolution. The day after the Congressional Committee vote, Turkey recalled its ambassador to the U.S.

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Burma: Monks vs. Generals

a columnFri 28 Sep 2007 by David Aikman

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Is it possible that one of the most repressive regimes in the entire world, the reactionary and superstitious rule of the generals in Burma, is about to fall? It would be foolish to predict an imminent change of regime in a country where the ruling military clique has successfully resisted virtually all change for nearly half a century. But it is certainly possible. For the fifth straight day, up to 1,300 young Buddhist monks splashed through the monsoon-soaked streets of Yangon (formerly Rangoon), the capital of Myanmar (formerly Burma) in outright, but silent, protest against that country’s military regime.  The generals, who rule the country, declared the Alliance of All Burmese Buddhist Monks, were an “enemy of the people.” The monks would not desist from protesting, they said, until they had “wiped the military dictatorship from the land of Burma.”

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Petraeus and Crocker: The Best of Their Generation

a columnThu 20 Sep 2007 by David Aikman

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The performances of four-star General David Petraeus and Career Ambassador Ryan Crocker before Congress recently were startling for a number of reasons. First, Petraeus, the administration point man for the conduct of the war in Iraq, explicitly denied that his remarks had been even reviewed in advance by anyone above him in the military and civilian chain of command, much less cleared, before he presented them to the U.S. Congress. The White House, in effect, was not in the loop in his Congressional testimony. Second, neither Petraeus nor Crocker “promised” the American people victory in Iraq or suggested that it was even probable; the most they offered was that it was “attainable.” Third, after four and a half years of a war that has become increasingly unpopular in the U.S., here was a fighting general from that war on Capitol Hill being almost mobbed by Senators and Members of Congress who were climbing over each other to shake his hand. Fourth, after four and a half years in which the entire Iraq War has become intensely political, the key figures speaking about it to the American people were not politicians at all, but career professionals: one in the military, one in the Foreign Service.

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Iran: The Regime Tightens the Screws

a columnThu 16 Aug 2007 • Responses: 2 • by David Aikman

Internal factors may yet destabilize the government of Iran, but don’t bet your foreign policy on it.

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The photographs were deeply unsettling: seven bodies swung in the breeze from public gallows in the city of Mashad, Iran’s second-largest city. “Allahu akbar” (“God is great”) shouted the crowd assembled to watch the public executions. In case the grim message was being overlooked, local TV carried a live broadcast.

This is Iran, early in August 2007, and apparently in the grip of the most intensive crackdown on dissent and political opposition since a purge of the country’s universities in 1984. According to some people, the crackdown on real and suspected opponents of the regime may be as murderous as the Ayatollah Khomeini’s execution of regime opponents in the year 1980, within months of his taking power. 

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Citizen Reporters in China

a columnMon 30 Jul 2007 by David Aikman

Cell phones and Twitter accounts are upsetting the status quo in China.

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When demonstrators turned out by the thousands in Xiamen, Fujian province, on China’s coast opposite Taiwan, police knew they had a different problem from normal. Protests by ordinary Chinese citizens, mostly against land seizures by pushy developers, take place by the score on a daily basis in China. They are a nuisance to the authorities, and worrisome, but they are ordinarily suppressed by large police contingents before things get out of hand.

Xiamen, on June 1 and 2 this year, was different. Not only was the demonstration much larger than usual—by some estimates 8–10,000 people—but also the demonstrators were summoned, essentially, by cell phone text messages and Internet blog sites.

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Dealing with Extremists in Islam

Thu 26 Jul 2007 • Responses: 66 • by Luder G. Whitlock, Jr.

A withdrawal of Western troops from Iraq will not assure that conflict will end.

detail, door of Blue Mosque - Mazar-e-Sharif, Afghanistan

The relationship between the West and Islam will be one of the most important issues during the first part of the twenty-first century. It has enormous implications not only for the Middle East, but for Europe with its growing Muslim population. The growth of a militant, violently ruthless Islam endangers not only the West, but the world.

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Another Middle East War?

a columnFri 20 Jul 2007 • Responses: 2 • by David Aikman

Aikman surveys the many tangles of the current situation.

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Most Americans numbed by daily casualty reports coming out of the war in Iraq—the drip-drip-drip of American fatalities and the veritable torrent of deaths of Iraqi civilians murdered as they shop for groceries—probably just wish the Middle East as a whole would disappear.

Unfortunately for weary Americans, it won’t. The most war-prone region on the planet won’t go anywhere just yet, and there is a strong probability that, before the end of this year, it may have exploded yet again into a cross-border conflagration.

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Meet Mr. Adamov

a columnFri 13 Jul 2007 • Responses: 1 • by David Aikman

The Bush-Putin meeting brings back memories of Putin’s earlier career.

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At the beginning of July, Russian President Vladimir Putin met with President Bush in the Bush family summer retreat at Kennebunkport, Maine. It could turn out to be one of the most crucial meetings in Russian-US relations since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.

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Hold that Ad

a columnTue 10 Jul 2007 • Responses: 1 • by David Aikman

Perhaps China has been too successful at censorship.

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It was some eighteen years ago that the world was trying to absorb what had taken place in China’s Tiananmen Square in Beijing on the night of June 3–4, 1989. Six weeks of sometimes chaotic, always spontaneous, and invariably exhilarating demonstrations had taken place in Tiananmen Square, after the death of Hu Yaobang, a Chinese leader associated with reform, on April 15.

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To clasp the hands in prayer is the beginning of an uprising against the disorder of the world.

Karl Barth

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Après Lewis: ‘As it turns out, Tim Keller’s “The Reason for God” (2008), the book recommended by my friend, is the best of the “Mere Christianity” wannabes. Mr. Keller argues that the usual objections to Christianity—that it is a straitjacket, that there cannot be just one true religion—are themselves the product of a particular (secular Western) point of view. He then builds an affirmative case for Christianity, suggesting that the Big Bang and our appreciation of beauty are clues pointing to God and that Christ’s resurrection was so unlikely both to Greeks and Romans (who viewed the material world as weak and corrupt) and to Jews (who expected any resurrection to come at the end of time) that it cannot be dismissed as the clever marketing strategy of a new religion. If this sounds a little like N.T. Wright, it isn’t accidental: Mr. Keller draws liberally from him, as well as Lewis, Christian philosopher Alvin Plantinga (a professor at Notre Dame) and others. “The Reason for God” is as sensible and winsome as one would expect from the pastor of a latticework of churches that draw more than 5,000 attendees in New York City every Sunday, most of them young, single, urban professionals. But it too is no “Mere Christianity.” It does not have the original arguments or the magical prose of Lewis’s classic.’ (David Skeel, Wall Street Journal2008 08 15)

Alexander Solzhenitsyn: the line within: ‘Solzhenitsyn was far from endorsing the thesis of the “banality of evil” as Hannah Arendt had expounded it. Nor did he see totalitarianism as the ultimate source of the evil that it promotes. Rather totalitarian government is the great mistake, made for whatever noble or ignoble purpose, of putting the final goal before the present dilemma. It is this which gives evil intentions the same chance as good ones, which enables the criminal and the psychopath to compete on a level with the saint and the hero. Yet even in totalitarianism the evil belongs to the human beings, and not to the system. This is the remarkable message that Solzhenitsyn, crawling from the death-machine, carried pressed to his heart.’ (Senior Fellow Roger Scruton, in openDemocracy2008 08 11)

Atheism and Evil: Could it possibly improve things to believe that the long pain of human evolution was set in motion by chance alone? The atheist view of the world is actually rather bleaker than that of Jews and Christians: Suffering under the weight of evil is meaningless, and so is any struggle against evil. Everything in the atheist’s world begins and ends in randomness and chance. Few atheists seem to be as rigorously honest as Friedrich Nietzsche, who warned that if God is dead, it is wishful thinking to hold that reason alone can confer “meaning” on life. Reason has been outmoded by chance. (Michael Novak, First Things: On the Square2008 07 29)

Christopher Nolan’s Achievement: The Dark Knight (2008 07 22)
Unplanned Parenthood (2008 07 21)
What makes a supervillain? (2008 07 19)
Pope’s Speech at Barangaroo (2008 07 17)
Hollywood’s Hero Deficit (2008 07 17)

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