Joseph Loconte
Earlier this week President Bush marked the tenth anniversary of the International Religious Freedom Act (IRFA), the legislation that authorizes U.S. sanctions against governments that violate international protections for religious liberty. The law established the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom and mandates that the State Department monitor religious liberty in every nation and identify the worst offenders. Also this week, the Congressional Human Rights Caucus Task Force for International Religious Freedom (TIRF) is holding a conference to celebrate the International Religious Freedom Act and discuss its ongoing importance in U.S. foreign policy.
In his White House remarks, the President singled out countries such as Iran, North Korea, and Sudan for their policies of religious persecution. To his credit, President Bush didn’t shy away from criticism of China and its ongoing crackdown against “house church” Protestants and human-rights lawyers such as Li Baiguang. (Bush’s White House meeting last month with Li Baiguang infuriated the regime.) “My message to President Hu Jintao, when I last met him, was this: So long as there are those who want to fight for their liberty, the United States stands with them.”
Nevertheless, governments considered “allies” in the U.S.-led war on radical Islam, such as Pakistan, don’t receive much criticism, either from the White House or from the State Department. The president briefly mentioned Saudi Arabia, where “religious police continue to harass non-Muslims.” But that’s a footnote in that country’s appalling record of repression, whose oil-soaked thug-ocracy promotes a culture of religious fanaticism, tyranny, and violent anti-Semitism. See this PDF report from the Hudson Institute’s Center for Religious Freedom.
Initially opposed by liberal politicians and some human rights groups, IRFA is widely praised as an important part of America’s democracy-promotion efforts. That said, a presidential speech writer got a bit carried away with this formulation, which somehow made it into the president’s remarks: “The Act has placed religious liberty where it belongs—at the center of U.S. foreign policy.” That kind of rhetorical overkill doesn’t serve the Administration well; it merely sets up America’s friends for another rude disappointment. The unpleasant truth, as Tom Farr observed recently in Foreign Affairs, is that religious liberty is nowhere near the murky epicenter of U.S. foreign policy. “The United States is a religious nation,” Farr writes, “but neither scholars of U.S. foreign policy nor its practitioners have taken religion very seriously.”
As we are learning, however, a democracy and human rights agenda that fails to take religion seriously will fail to secure a foundation for genuine democracy and human rights.
Fodder, Religious Liberty, Thu 17 Jul 2008
What else is the philosophy of Christ, which he himself calls a rebirth, than the restoration of human nature originally well formed?
Erasmus of Rotterdam
Redefining Democracy, Ethics, and Evangelicalism
A European Challenge to Anti-Americanism
Religion, Politics, and Public Opinion
Lives of Adventure, Fulfillment, and Service
The X-Files and the Enlightenment Myth
Prayers for People under Pressure by Jonathan Aitken.
A practical spiritual handbook.
The Real Digital Revolution: Social networking is changing the marketing landscape: “Brand advertising can’t stretch the truth anymore or try and gild the lily. Because if it does, we’re going to find out about it, find out that you’ve been lying to us all along about extras that don’t work and specials that aren’t special. And our reaction is not going to be pretty.” (Alan Wolk, AdWeek; h/t: Ryan Moede • 2008 08 27)
Après Lewis: ‘As it turns out, Tim Keller’s “The Reason for God” (2008), the book recommended by my friend, is the best of the “Mere Christianity” wannabes. Mr. Keller argues that the usual objections to Christianity—that it is a straitjacket, that there cannot be just one true religion—are themselves the product of a particular (secular Western) point of view. He then builds an affirmative case for Christianity, suggesting that the Big Bang and our appreciation of beauty are clues pointing to God and that Christ’s resurrection was so unlikely both to Greeks and Romans (who viewed the material world as weak and corrupt) and to Jews (who expected any resurrection to come at the end of time) that it cannot be dismissed as the clever marketing strategy of a new religion. If this sounds a little like N.T. Wright, it isn’t accidental: Mr. Keller draws liberally from him, as well as Lewis, Christian philosopher Alvin Plantinga (a professor at Notre Dame) and others. “The Reason for God” is as sensible and winsome as one would expect from the pastor of a latticework of churches that draw more than 5,000 attendees in New York City every Sunday, most of them young, single, urban professionals. But it too is no “Mere Christianity.” It does not have the original arguments or the magical prose of Lewis’s classic.’ (David Skeel, Wall Street Journal • 2008 08 15)
Alexander Solzhenitsyn: the line within: ‘Solzhenitsyn was far from endorsing the thesis of the “banality of evil” as Hannah Arendt had expounded it. Nor did he see totalitarianism as the ultimate source of the evil that it promotes. Rather totalitarian government is the great mistake, made for whatever noble or ignoble purpose, of putting the final goal before the present dilemma. It is this which gives evil intentions the same chance as good ones, which enables the criminal and the psychopath to compete on a level with the saint and the hero. Yet even in totalitarianism the evil belongs to the human beings, and not to the system. This is the remarkable message that Solzhenitsyn, crawling from the death-machine, carried pressed to his heart.’ (Senior Fellow Roger Scruton, in openDemocracy • 2008 08 11)
Atheism and Evil: Could it possibly improve things to believe that the long pain of human evolution was set in motion by chance alone? The atheist view of the world is actually rather bleaker than that of Jews and Christians: Suffering under the weight of evil is meaningless, and so is any struggle against evil. Everything in the atheist’s world begins and ends in randomness and chance. Few atheists seem to be as rigorously honest as Friedrich Nietzsche, who warned that if God is dead, it is wishful thinking to hold that reason alone can confer “meaning” on life. Reason has been outmoded by chance. (Michael Novak, First Things: On the Square • 2008 07 29)
• Christopher Nolan’s Achievement: The Dark Knight (2008 07 22)
• Unplanned Parenthood (2008 07 21)
• What makes a supervillain? (2008 07 19)
• Pope’s Speech at Barangaroo (2008 07 17)
• Hollywood’s Hero Deficit (2008 07 17)
Pride and Perjury by Jonathan Aitken.
The first part of Aitken's two volume autobiography detailing his political and spiritual journey.