President Bush has not exactly been above the fold of the front pages of most American newspapers these days, let alone on prime-time TV news. Understandably, with one of the most interesting presidential election cycles in decades well under way, attention has been focused on whoever is considered most likely to be Bush’s successor as the tenant of Washington’s 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue in just eleven months. Many people—especially Democrats, who smell blood and victory in November 2008—wish that the President would just go away. His popularity is quite low, with poll numbers regularly in the 30s. Past months have even had him rated in California within two points of President Richard Nixon after Watergate, and Reuters last October pegged him at 24 percent. (At the same time, however, Gallup had him in the 30s).
But the President doesn’t have to go away until noon on January 20, 2009, and as President Nixon once famously remarked, even three weeks is a long, long time in American politics. Every president holds onto the possibility of a turnaround in popularity. In fact, the President for the past week has been in one continent of the world where he is decidedly popular: Africa. During a five-day tour of five countries—Benin, Tanzania, Rwanda, Ghana, and Liberia—Bush was welcomed by ecstatic crowds and told by one African leader, “You have been a good friend of our country, and of Africa.”
There is no mystery in this remarkable accolade. Ever since announcing a dramatically large funding to battle HIV/AIDS in Africa during his State of the Union speech in 2003, President Bush has channeled more financial aid to Africa than any previous U.S. president. The initial anti-AIDS funding was pegged at $15 billion. Already, $18.8 billion has been spent on fighting AIDS in Africa, and the President hopes to double the total aid package aimed against HIV/AIDS to $30 billion. Although cynics have mocked the President for his emphasis on sexual abstinence as a key ingredient to national policies for fighting AIDS, while in Africa the President repeated the mantra that has become largely accepted as the continent’s most effective overall approach: ABC, or “Abstinence, Be Faithful, and use Condoms.” In fact, the U.S. is currently the largest supplier of condoms to Africa of any foreign power.
The suppression of malaria has also been one of the goals of America’s African financial aid. In Tanzania, $5.2 million has been spent providing mothers in that country with “bed-nets,” that is mosquito nets specifically designed to protect vulnerable infants and young children from mosquito bites. There has already been a significant reduction in deaths from malaria as a result of this policy.
The countries President Bush visited were, of course, the beneficiaries of American financial assistance. But they have also been significant success stories as nations: democratic, struggling against corruption, and genuinely seeking to improve the lot of their people. An ingenious American innovation in the African aid arena has been something called the Millennium Challenge Corporation, a system where African nations have much more say in deciding where to invest their aid than the hitherto condescendingly paternal system many donor countries have adopted towards African aid: “we will give you money and you will spend it on what we say.”
At President Bush’s final stop in Africa, in Liberia, a country founded as long ago as 1822 by freed American slaves, Africa’s first elected woman leader, President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, was grateful that the introduction of 300 American Marines in 2006 ensured the departure from the capital, Monrovia, of one of Africa’s most vicious dictators, Charles Taylor. The current Liberian President begged President Bush not to withdraw the American military presence too soon. Liberia, impoverished to the point of destitution, was ravaged by years of civil war and will take considerable more American economic and military assistance to recover. A possible plum on the top of Liberia’s aid cake is the basing in Liberia of Africom, a new U.S. military command established a year ago and intended to be responsive to various emergencies in Africa. Many African countries don’t want a U.S. military presence in the continent. But Liberia and others differ.
Some Americans may wonder about the intense interest President Bush has shown in Africa’s problems and his obvious willingness to offer American assistance in solving them. After all, this particular president is not known for his great interest in overseas affairs, nor indeed his expertise or experience in them. It took seven years before the Bush administration showed any willingness to take up the perennially insolvable Israeli-Palestinian issue, and even then diplomatic efforts culminated in a one-day peace conference in Annapolis, MD, last November.
But there is a side to President Bush’s personality that is consistently overlooked by his critics. The 2003 HIV/AIDS initiative, which, of course, preceded the Iraq War, grew out of one aspect of Bush’s Christian faith: a sense that people in a position to help others less fortunate ought to do so whenever there is a clear opportunity to do so, even in foreign affairs on a nation-to-nation level. According to various reports, President Bush was deeply moved on visiting the memorial and the museum documenting the 1994 Rwanda genocide atrocities. Could Africom prevent the recurrence of such a tragedy? Possibly. Yet President Bush has decided firmly against deploying U.S. military forces to stop the genocide in Darfur, Sudan. He pointedly denied that China was a strategic competitor on the U.S. in Africa, even though China has propped up unpleasant regimes like that of the Islamic government in Khartoum, a quid pro quo for the export of Sudanese oil to China.
Democratic candidate Barack Obama has impressive credentials for expressing a beneficent American interest in Africa. After all, his own father was born in Africa and on a visit to Kenya in 2006 he was received warmly. But probably the best thing he could do for Africa, if elected, would be to continue to develop the policies of the current president. Now that would be true bipartisanship, which Senator Obama frequently says he wants to restore to Washington. He may yet have his opportunity.
Dr. Aikman, a Senior Fellow of the Trinity Forum, was for many years senior correspondent for Time.
1 Responses (comments are closed) • Columns, David Aikman, Leadership, Philanthropy, Mon 25 Feb 2008
There are few things sadder in this universe than a well-dressed man sitting in his well appointed house with a prime cut of beef in his belly and an $18 glass of wine in his hand, studying a magazine article about the joys of titanium tennis rackets. That . . . is futility writ large.
Dave Shiflett, 2003
Stephen J. Mulhall: Excerpt of a speech by Stephen Lewis, Co-Director, AIDS-Free World, to the Third Annual Student AIDS Conference, Harvard Medical School,…
A Cultural Manifesto and Showcase
China, Tibet, and the Olympics
The Delusion of Disbelief: Why the New Atheism is a Threat to Your Life, Liberty, and Pursuit of Happiness by David Aikman.
Aikman offers a reasoned response to four writers at the forefront of today’s anti-faith movement: Sam Harris, Daniel Dennett, Richard Dawkins, and Christopher Hitchens.
Orthodoxy: Georgetown’s Father Schall reviews G. K. Chesterton’s Orthodoxy on its 100 year anniversary. “In coming to believe in Christianity, Chesterton, as he tells us, did not read a single Christian book in the process. Rather, he read book after book of those who maintained that Christianity could not possibly be true. After he had read many of these tractates, he suddenly realized that the intellectual opponents of Christianity were constantly contradicting themselves about what they were opposing. Chesterton, the most logical of men, figured that anything so odd as to be opposed for the exact opposite reasons must either be quite strange or, in fact, rather normal and true.” A helpful introduction to a lovely book. (James V. Schall, SJ, InsideCatholic.com , 2008 05 05)
Where Were Obama’s Friends?: Friendship under fire: “As for the supersized candidates, what strikes one most about them is their ‘aloneness.’ They look so solitary. Indeed, it is possible that the old and honorable notion of ‘standing with’ a candidate like Obama simply didn’t occur to his famous supporters this week. Everyone has become used to watching celebrity stars and athletes take it in the neck on their own. Even someone running for the nation’s presidency looks like just another personal crack-up.” Makes one pause. (Daniel Henninger, The Wall Street Journal , 2008 05 01)
There’s no way you’re going to convince me: Catholic professor Scott Carson covers the current debates on evil between N T Wright and Bart Ehrman on Beliefnet: “[H]aving had a look at this most recent exchange I have to say that it continues to astound me how simplistic and thoughtless the popular treatment of the problem has become. . . . It’s as if generations of sophisticated and complex theological and philosophical argument amount to nothing when compared to the emotional attitudes of a single individual living in a highly particularized time and place. . . . Just as atheists and agnostics are often—perhaps way too often—tempted to assume that believers only believe for emotional or psychological reasons, so too, it seems rather obvious to me, every non-believer almost certainly has emotional and psychological reasons for not believing that will trump any and every legitimate argument posed against them.” (extensive links from the article to the primary sources) (An Examined Life , 2008 04 27)
The Way We Weren’t: “The fifties really were a time when the culture broadly affirmed Christianity as a Good Thing. I was there. I saw it; I heard it. And yet some kind of demurral is strongly indicated: some sign of recognition that no human society, whatever its good intentions and methods, has lived unburdened, unencumbered by the crushing weight of human fallenness. Good as life may appear to have been in the cities and universities of France and Italy in the thirteenth century, or amid the sweaty fervor of the camp meetings in nineteenth-century America, or among the fierce faith of the emancipators, always human pride and general nuttiness were there to spoil the broth.” (William Murchison, in Touchstone , 2008 04 23)
• Not on Sale (2008 04 14)
• Seven New Deadly Sins, Suitably Updated (2008 04 10)
• The Pope Comes to America (2008 04 09)
• Both Read the Same Bible (2008 04 09)
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on 2008 03 19
Excerpt of a speech by Stephen Lewis, Co-Director, AIDS-Free World, to the Third Annual Student AIDS Conference, Harvard Medical School, Boston January 2008
The American contribution to foreign AID for developing countries remains abysmal. The Administration spends, conservatively, up to $108 billion a year on the war in Iraq, and perhaps $5 billion in an entire year on HIV/AIDS. Those priorities are so skewed as to be obscene. And now that the United States is in economic crisis, you can be sure that foreign aid will again emerge the beggar when future appropriations are made.
We should never forget that as a percentage of GNP, the United States occupies virtually the bottom rung of the ladder amongst all the industrial nations, let alone the G8. In 2006, the last year for which figures are available, the Development Assistance Committee of the OECD reported that only Greece was below the United States of the 23 countries listed. Greece spends 0.17% of GNP on foreign aid; the United States spends 0.18%. The average for all countries is 0.31% of GNP … virtually double the expenditure of the United States. The target, of course, is 0.7%, almost quadruple the US current contribution.